demand her resignation. Knight, on Concerned Women's Web site, described the events this way: «Elders was fired by Bill Clinton shortly after she began a campaign to teach children to masturbate.»
The pro-pedophile lobby allegedly has been around for a long time. In a
But pedophiles and their lobbyists were not bad enough for some, so worse co-conspirators were proposed. While Reisman linked me to Hitler, a NewsCorridor columnist named Gregory J. Hand located me at the other end of the political spectrum, as a «bisexual Marxist Jewess,» apparently part of the international Jewish conspiracy that not only controls the banks and the press, but also is «promoting adult-child sex.» McCain's Concerned Women piece offered this bit of commentary: «A Google search reveals that [Levine] has described herself as a 'red-diaper baby'—that is, the child of Communist Party activists—and a socialist herself, who has written that she is 'allergic to religion.' Very interesting, but not a word of it in the
Marginalization
The claim about Rind, Elders, SIECUS, and me is not only that we have a political agenda, but that it is a radical one held by a small minority. Even sympathetic reporters played up this alleged eccentricity. «Their theories are explosive,» read the blurb of an even-handed piece in the
Another rhetorical tactic is to quote something that would sound reasonable to most people and call it perverted. Among «Levine's bizarre theories» that Knight kept invoking was the «theory» that children are sexual from birth and, left to their own devices, will probably engage in masturbation and sex play. This «bizarre theory» is explicitly accepted by every reputable developmental psychologist and anthropologist in the industrialized world and implicitly by most everyone else in the world.
While the object of an attack is portrayed as a wild-eyed radical, the critics are described as reasonable, and legion. «In
The «critics» also appear to be politically unaffiliated. In the
The point of pushing someone to the margins is not only to discredit her in others' eyes, but to mobilize her own shame, even fear. And it works. Feeling despised as an outsider, one grasps at mainstream status.
Not married?
Have suspiciously short hair and don't wear skirts?
No children?
Sexual McCarthyism works with marginalization to discourage solidarity among the accused. In order to secure the credentials of normalcy, to remain in the safe precincts of what anthropologist Gayle Rubin describes as the «systems of sexual stigma,» the targeted person distances herself from those who are even further out on the edges. The sex education community, already reeling from the Right's pummeling, declined to come to my aid. Thus divided and conquered, it's not unusual for victims of an attack to blame each other, rather than the real source of their pain. One prominent sex educator wrote me, «You should think about the harm you've done to sexuality education by dragging us into your pedophile thing.»
But when called a pervert, one often goes further than not helping others accused of perversion. Ashamed, one wins respectability by expressing disgust for the «real» perverts. «What do you think of NAMBLA?» I was often asked. That's the North American Man Boy Love Association, an advocacy/support group for men with intergenerational sexual desires. «I think they're creeps,» I replied to one interviewer. But I am angry at myself for doing that. NAMBLA is a tiny, ineffectual group, exercising its right to free speech; it doesn't advocate criminal activity. Already utterly despised, NAMBLA's members don't need me trashing them, too.
Naming names of the «true» subversive gains the witness immunity from prosecution. This is how McCarthyism works—until, of course, someone names your name.
Anti-lntellectualism
« The road to hell is paved with academic studies,» wrote the
But if the wrong kind of sex at the wrong time inevitably wreaks unparalleled harm, as my critics contend, then such idle conceiving might itself be harmful, because it might weaken a crucially important social taboo and lead to more sexual abuse. This is the principle behind all censorship: that bad ideas lead to bad acts. To the Family Research Council, no datum is neutral. All are charged with moral freight. Knowledge is propaganda. Indeed, the indictment of both pornography and sexuality education is that they work as advertisements, users manuals for sex.
There is something to this argument. The Right understands that science and art are ideological. They know that ideas matter. Indeed, Gayle Rubin—hardly a Christian conservative—viewed Kinsey's neutrality toward everything we now call «queer» as a step toward tolerance of sexual difference; she praised him for it. Of course, tolerance of sexual difference is what the Right abhors. They call it «defining deviancy down.»
Lately, the Right has started to appropriate «science» to its own ends—for instance, changing the name of Christian creationism to «creation science» and circulating long-discredited studies that link abortion to breast cancer. Such tactics play on Americans' faith in scientific expertise. But Americans simultaneously worship and mistrust experts, especially outside the hard scientists. For many, the only unassailable expertise is gleaned from personal experience, and from emotion uninfected by reason.
Thus, the daytime TV talk shows always invite, as foils to the ivory-tower expert with the university press book, a «real person» - a parent, a teen, or best of all, a «victim.» This person is presumed to be a source of down-home wisdom and pain, as if the expert might not also be a parent or the victim of a painful experience.
m: 0cm; line-height: 0.45cm;'>Here, from a monitoring service's synopsis of Fox's